With over 25 years of politics behind her, Senator Olympia Snowe is a political fixture in Maine. While she has set her own course and championed her own issues, she is certainly cut from the same cloth as many of her Republican predecessors from Maine.

Olympia Snowe began her political career when, shortly after she graduated from the University of Maine with a degree in political science, she went to work for then US Representative William Cohen. Her career took a sad and unusual turn in 1973 when her husband Peter Snowe, a state representative, was killed in an automobile accident. Olympia won a special election to fill her deceased husband’s seat. She followed that in 1976 with an election victory for a seat in the Maine Senate.

It was not until 1978, however, when US Representative William Cohen vacated his House seat to successfully run for the US Senate that Snowe set herself apart on the national scene by, in a sense, following in Cohen’s footsteps. Cohen, a Republican whom President Clinton successfully nominated to be his Secretary of Defense, established himself as somewhat of a Republican rogue, voting rather independently throughout his career. In the House, where Snowe became a leader on women’s, health care, and family issues, she displayed her own independence by voting for Republican Presidents Reagan and Bush only about half the time. She helped organize Republican women to urge President Bush to alter his stance on abortion (Snowe is pro-abortion) and, along with Colorado Democrat Pat Schroeder, she co-chaired the Congressional Caucus for Women's Issues.

In fact, it is her willingness and ability to forge effective bipartisan agreements has contributed to her prominent rise in the US Senate, to which she was elected in 1994, again to fill a vacancy left by William Cohen. Facing the uneasy prospect of impeaching President Clinton in 1998, Senate Republican leaders looked to Snowe to guide a moderate hearing approach that would not haunt them in the 2000 elections. In the Senate, Snowe has also distinguished herself with her work on fiscal issues and foreign affairs.
Work History
(1998-present) US Senator from Illinois. (1992-1998) Member, Illinois State Senator. (1992-1996) General counsel, Harris Bankmont Inc., Chicago, Illinois. (1988-1992) Partner in law firm Riordan, Larson, Bruckert & Moore, Chicago, Illinois. (1986-1988) Associate at law firm Isham, Lincoln & Beale, Chicago, Illinois.
Affiliations
"Member, Philoptochos Society; corporator, Mechanics Savings Bank; Holy Trinity Greek Orthodox Church of Lewiston-Auburn"

Edward Osborne Wilson has done what most people dream of. He turned his boyhood hobby into a life's work. The eminent biologist and world authority on ants, an only child whose father's career created an almost nomadish childhood of moves, nurtured his early love of nature into paradigm-setting (and sometimes controversial) research in entomology, sociobiology, and biodiversity. With two Pulitzer Prizes and opinions constantly sought by the press, Wilson has the attention he needs to accomplish his greatest goal: saving the planet.

Wilson's overall intelligence and expertise in evolutionary biology were recognized early. After earning his bachelor and graduate degrees in biology from the University of Alabama, he was invited to Harvard University in 1953. He has been a fixture there since, pursuing a wide range of biological inquiry. In the early 1960s, Wilson discovered pheromones, the chemical substance that is not only the means but also the actual message of ant communication. In 1967, he co-developed "island biogeography", a mathematical formula used to estimate the rate of species decline as habitat disappears. But it was his study of ant behavior that led him to investigate social behavior in creatures ranging from insects to humans. The resulting work, Sociobiology: The New Synthesis, established a new field for the study of animal behavior, but the book's last chapter - in which Wilson applied his knowledge of evolutionary biology to humans - caused immense controversy. His contention that genes determine much of human behavior, including culture, smacked of determinism and prompted criticism that he supported maintaining the status quo based on sex, race, and class. The press made much of the academic rift, but Wilson quietly rode out the controversy. Years later he maintained that most scientists agreed with his theories.

Looking back on that time, Wilson stated that his role was to introduce evolutionary biology and return to social insects, "his true love." He did, and in the process not only made groundbreaking investigations into the fundamental interrelation of animal nature and human nature, but became a leading voice for maintaining biodiversity for the sake of human welfare. Through his studies Wilson has developed techniques for measuring the human impact on biodiversity and found that the rate of extinction on earth has climbed 1,000 to 10,000 times higher since the advent of human intervention. At that rate he estimates 20% of all species could be extinct in 50 years. An optimist, Wilson sees a solution in incrased scientific study of biodiversity, incorporation of biodiversity issues in economic development, curbing human population growth, and educating the public of the value of biodiversity.

Some scientists have likened Wilson's work to Einstein's and Galileo's. Time magazine has called him one of the most influential Americans of our time. If so, the scientist who began his career as a boy trudging through Alabama streams in rubber boots is just the person to lead the fight for biodiversity.
Climb to Fame
The world's leading authority on ants, a founder of sociobiology, and one of America's leading advocates for biodiversity.
Work History
(1998) Publishes Consilience, a book that calls for an effort to establish a unified theory of the sciences and the humanities, a project he claims was first undertaken in the Enlightenment.

(1996) Time magazine names him one of the twenty-five most influential contemporary Americans.

(1994) Named Pellegrino Professor, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

(1992) With his book The Diversity of Life, brings biodiversity to a mainstream audience in much the same way, some critics say, that Rachel Carson brought the ecological dangers of toxic chemicals mainstream in her book Silent Spring.

(1991) The Ants is awarded the Pulitzer Prize for general non-fiction.

(1990) Along with Bert Holldobler, the Alexander Agassiz Professor of Zoology at Harvard University, writes The Ants, the most complete work ever written on ants. The book's size and literary tone earn Wilson invations to Good Morning America, the Today show, and others.

(1990) Along with several colleagues at Harvard, begins developing a curriculum that combines biology with studies in economics, government, and sociobiology. The goal of the biodiversity studies program is to study flora and fauna, where they came from, how they can be preserved, managed, and used for human benefit.

(c. mid-1980s) Begins work that serves as the building blocks for the new field of conservation biology. This field is highlighted by the study of and calls for the protection of biodiversity. One of his major contributions is a formula he helped develop that is used to estimate the amount and the loss of biodiversity in the world.

(1979) Is awarded a Pulitzer Prize in the general non-fiction category for his book On Nature.

(1978) In his book, On Nature, proposes, among other things, to replace religion with stories of evolution and the Big Bang. He also answers the critics of his previous work, Sociobiology: The New Synthesis, by arguing that sociobiology does not present a danger, but that uniformed view's of human evolution, such as Nazi pseudo-science, does.

(1978) Just prior to giving a speech at a meeting for the American Association for the Advancement of Science, people protesting his sociobiological views took to the stage and poured water over his head.

(1976-1994) Serves as the Frank B. Baird Jr. Professor of Science, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

(11/1975) Sixteen scientists write to the New York Review of Books to argue that Wilson's views, as propounded in Sociobiology, provide a genetically based justification for maintaining the social status quo according to race, class, and sex. They argue, furthermore, that he reached his conclusions with biased ethnographic data and selectively chosen evidence.

(1975) With the publication of Sociobiology: The New Synthesis, he is propelled to fame and into the midst of controversy. In the last chapter of the book he contends that much of human behavior and development is set out according to genes, thus explaining religion, culture, and even altruism with a genetic rationale. Wilson and sociobiology in general face criticism for among other things bolstering eugenics with flimsy science.

(1972) Curator of Entomology at Museum of Comparative Zoology, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

(1971-1974) Serves as coeditor, Theoretical Population Biology.

(c. early 1970s) His work with ants leads him to thinking about the biological basis for social behavior among many animals species. His examinations of communication, dominance roles, and others among species ranging from ant to human lead to his controversial 1975 work Sociobiology: The New Synthesis.

(1967) Along with Robert MacArthur of Princeton University, develops island biogeography, a mathematical formula used to estimate the rate of species decline as habitat disappears.

(1964-1976) Serves as professor of zoology, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

(c. 1960s) Through his studies in New Guinea and Sri Lanka, learns that ants secrete chemical secretions called pheromones that are not simply the means for communication but also the text of the communication.

(1958-1964) Serves as associate professor of zoology, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

(1956-1958) Becomes assistant professor of biology, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts.

(1956) With his colleague William Brown, coins the phrase "character displacement" to for the evolutionary divergence and adaption that occurs when two closely related species initially come into contact.

(1953) Discovers that ants have a caste system.

(1953) Begins his PhD work at Harvard University.

(1949) Works as a biologist with the Alabama State Department of Conservation.

(1939) Moves with his family from Birmingham, Alabama to Washington DC. In Washington, at the age of ten, becomes fascinated with plants, insects, and animals and spends hours at the National Zoo and the National Museum of Natural History.
Affiliations
(1997-present) Member, board of directors, Conservation International

(1994-present) Member, board of directors, Nature Conservancy

(1993-present) Member, board of directors, American Academy of Liberal Education

(1992-present) Member, board of directors, American Museum of Natural History

(1991-1995) Member, board of directors, N.Y. Bot. Garden

(1984-1991) Member, board of directors, Organization for Tropical Studies

(1983-1994) Member, board of directors, World Wildlife Fund

(1982-1989) Member, selection committee, Guggenheim Foundation

Trustee, Marine Biological Laboratory (Woods Hole)

Fellow, American Academy of Arts and Science

Member, American Philosophical Society

Member, Deutsche Akademie Naturforsch

Honorary lifetime member, National Academy of Science, American Genetics Association

British Ecological Society

Honorary lifetime member, Entomological Society of America

Honorary lifetime member, Zoological Society of London

Honorary lifetime member, American Humanist Association

Honorary lifetime member, Academy of Humanism

Honorary lifetime member, Netherlands Entomology Society

Member, Royal Society of London

Member, Society for the Study of Evolution

Member, Finnish Academy of Science and Letters

Member, Russian Academy of Natural Science

Member, Royal Society of Science, Uppsala, Sweden
Awards
Edward O Wilson has also won numerous Awards

Jamil Mahuad, elected President of Ecuador in a runoff election in July 1998, served just 17 months of his term before a military junta forced him to resign. For all the unique events that filled his term in office, Mahaud has become just another president in Ecuador's recent stream of short-term leaders. His replacement, vice president Gustavo Naboa, is the country's sixth president in four years. Mahuad left office peacefully but disappointed, and wished his successor luck.

The people of Ecuador, weary after nearly twenty years of democracy had failed to improve their standard of living, elected Mahuad for his pledges to run a small, well-regulated and dedicated government. In his campaign he emphasized his support for social spending and liberalizing the economy to attract foreign investment. He had a formidable challenge ahead of him. El Nino had wreaked havoc on the Pacific coast, leaving thousands homeless, inflation was climbing at an alarming rate, the price of oil, Ecuador's major export, had fallen drastically, and efforts to privatize key state industries had failed to attract any buyers.

Despite the task ahead of him, Mahuad refused to be overwhelmed. A stroke he suffered in 1997 put life's difficulties in proper perspective and he remained confident that he could help Ecuador rise out of one of its worst recessions. In October 1998, after he signed an agreement with Peru's president Alberto Fujimori to resolve a decade's-old border dispute, Mahuad's approval rating reached 65%. Soon after, however, his popularity plummeted. Unable to win Congressional or popular support for austerity measures required to meet IMF loan conditions - which Mahuad felt absolutely necessary for Ecuador's recovery - and with inflation rising and the currency losing more of its value every week, Mahuad spent most of 1999 overcoming calls for his resignation.

For Ecuadorians from every walk of life - including business people, Indians, unionists, and soldiers - the last straw came when Mahuad, in a final attempt to halt inflation, made the US dollar the country's official currency. A three-man military junta took control of widespread protests and forced Mahuad to resign. Less than one day later they handed control of the government to Vice President Noboa.

Mahuad, who has a master's degree in public administration from Harvard University, has proven he can be an able politician. As mayor of Quito, Ecuador's capital, from 1992 to 1998 he oversaw the rebuilding of the city's public transit, assured the city's water supply to 2015, and secured $500 million in international aid and financing for city infrastructure. Mahuad ran unsuccessfully for president in 1988, and played a prominent role in the revolt that removed President Abdala Bucaram, popularly known as El Loco, from office for mental incompetence.

Mahuad is divorced and has two children.
Climb to Fame
Serving for just 17 months of his four-year term, Mahuad became yet another president unable to solve Ecuador's economic problems.
Work History
(01/24/2000) Ecuador's new president Gustavo Noboa introduces his new cabinet and pledges to remain dedicated to former president Mahuad's policy to replace Ecuador's official currency, the sucre, with the the US dollar.

(01/22/2000) Carlos Mendoza, co-leader of the military junta that overthrew Mahuad, turns control of the government over to civilian rule. Mahuad's vice president, Gustavo Noboa, becomes Ecuador's sixth president in four years. He is to serve the remainder of Mahuad's term to January 2003.

In effect admitting that he tricked the other junta leaders - Indian leader Antonio Vargas and ex-Supreme Court Justice Carlos Solorzano - Mendoza states he had no intention of keeping hold of power, but joined the coup only to ensure that Mahuad's removal was bloodless and that it would not result in a military dictatorship. He admits talking with US diplomats who urged him to restore civlian rule or face cuts to foreign aid.

Mendoza later resigns as military commander and defense minister.

(01/21/2000) Over 80 junior military officers join 10,000 Indians demonstrating against President Mahuad, and together they seize and occupy Congress and the Supreme Court. Junta co-leader Mendoza learns that Colonel Lucio Gutierrez is conspiring to overthrow Mahuad.

Ecuadorian military chief and minister of defense Carlos Mendoza, along with his junta co-leaders, force Mahuad to step down as President of Ecuador.

(01/09/2000) After his attempts to implement systemic changes required to meet IMF loan conditions fail and with Ecuador remains stuck in one of its worst recessions, Mahuad replaces Ecuador's official currency, the sucre, with the US dollar. He claims dollarization will reduce inflation and persistent devaluation, as well as encourage foreign investment. The move prompts his Cabinet to resign and protestors, particularly from the poor and the Indian population, to take to the streets. Mahuad says the sucre will be fixed at 25,000 to one US dollar.

(01/07/2000) Mahuad names Carlos Mendoza defense minister.

(01/06/2000) Mahuad declares a state of emergency.

(10/25/1999) A Ecuadorian judge announces that Mahuad will be called to testify before a tribunal investigating the alleged misuse of campaign funds while running for president in 1998.

(09/1999) The government signs a letter of intent with the IMF which, upon meeting certain conditions, will secure loans that Mahuad is confident will help Ecuador overcome its recession.

(03/1999) Facing protests and strikes from unions and Indians over inflation near 60% and a currency that lost one quarter of its value in a week, Mahuad imposes a 60 day state of emergency and orders police to guard oil and electricity facilities. While the strikers demand he repeal earlier austerity measuers, Mahuad freezes more than $1.1 billion in bank deposits to avoid hyperinflation and imposes new sales and gas taxes and strict measures to ensure that the wealthy pay their taxes. Four governors of Ecuador's central bank resign in protest of Mahuad's policies and the rightist Partido Social Cristiano (PSC), one of Mahuad's few allies in Congress, withdraws its support.

(10/26/1998) Mahuad and Peruvian President Alberto Fujimori sign a comprehensive agreement settling the border dispute between their respective countries. Mahuad's approval rating rises to 65%.

(09/1998) In an attempt to reduce the deficit, Mahuad ends subsidies on electricity, natural gas and fuel and creates a new program of cash assistance for the poor and elderly.

(08/1998) Military tensions rise in a disputed region along the border between Ecuador and Peru. Mahuad and Peruvia President Fujimori agree to work to resolve the issue.

(08/10/1998) Mahuad takes office as President of Ecuador. His inauguration is attended by the presidents of Bolivia, Costa Rica, Venezuela and Colombia, as well as the Prince of Spain. As leader he faces economic problems that include a budget deficit that is 6% of GDP, widespread coastal devastation from El Nino, world financial markets unwilling to lend to Ecuador, a privatization program that has been unable to attract any interested buyers, and falling prices in oil, the country's main export.

(08/10/1998) Ecuador's new constitution takes effect.

(07/12/1998) Mahuad defeats Alvaro Noboa in the run-off presidential election.

(05/31/1998) Mahuad finishes first in the presidential election with 34.9% of the vote; Alvaro Noboa finishes second with 26.6% of the vote. Without any candidate winning more than 50% of the vote, the two are set to face each other in a runoff election in July.

(05/1998) While campaigning for the presidential election, Mahuad's opponent, Alvaro Noboa, accuses Mahuad's brother and campaign treasuer, Eduardo Mahuad, of partaking in property deals in 1993 with a since convicted drug dealer .

(c. 1997) Mahuad plays an active role in the popular revolt that threw President Abdala Bucaram out of office. Bucaram, whom Ecuadorians called El Loco, flees to Panama to avoid corruption charges.

(03/1997) Mahuad suffers a stroke while attending a political forum in Madrid, Spain.

(1992-1998) Elected Mayor of Quito; reelected 1996. As mayor, Mahuad successfully rebuilds Quito's public transit, assures the city's water supply to 2015, and secures $500 million in international aid and financing for city infrastructure.

(1988) Mahuad runs unsuccessfully in the presidential election.

(1979) Democracy is restored in Ecuador after a decade of military and civilian dictatorships.

Although his record in election campaigns is zero for three, Alan Keyes decided in 1999 to make a second run for the Republican nomination for the Presidency. An articulate and fiery conservative with an impressive resume in public service, Keyes and his followers believe he has the message and the willpower to cure America's social ills.

Alan Keyes developed his conservative outlook at a young age. Attending high school in San Antonio, Texas - where his father's army assignment took the family - Keyes joined the American Legion Boys Nation and was promptly elected president, the first black to ever hold that position. As president he spoke publicly in support of the Vietnam War and his speech "The Blessings of Liberty, the Blessings of Life" won the Legion's annual speech contest. A sharp student, Keyes enrolled at Cornell University. In his freshman year he spoke out against the seizure of the student center by black militants and after receiving threats dropped out. He spent a year in Paris, France, then enrolled in Harvard, where he earned both his BA and PhD in government.

In 1978, Keyes went to work for the US State Department. He rose through the ranks quickly, in part because as consul in Bombay, India he voiced an articulate defense for visiting diplomat Jeane Kirkpatrick. By the time she became US ambassador to the UN, she was Keyes' mentor. Among his many positions, he served as desk officer for southern African affairs and ambassador to the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). Under President Reagan, Keyes was often called upon to explain the American refusal to impose sanctions on South Africa. In 1987, despite his promising career, Keyes suddenly resigned from the State Department, citing disputes with John Whitehead, Deputy Secretary of State, over funding to the UN and over personal snubs Keyes claimed Whitehead made during an official meeting.

In 1988, Keyes made his first foray into elected politics, challenging incumbent Democrat Senator from Maryland, Paul Sarbanes. He lost with just 38% of the vote, but after a few years delivering speeches across the country, Keyes tried again in 1992, this time against Maryland incumbent Democrat Barbara Mikulski. He won only 29% of the vote. The following year Keyes began broadcasting his morning radio show, America's Wake-Up Call, on WCBM Radio in Baltimore. On the airwaves he found an audience for his conservative views. Centered on Christianity and its central role in the Declaration of Independence, Keyes articulated a political philosophy that aimed at reclaiming the freedoms, rights, and responsibilities won by the Founding Fathers. He based his views on abortion, school prayer, welfare, affirmative action and taxation on his original reading of the Declaration. In 1995, he decided he wanted to take those views to the White House and declared his candidacy for the 1996 Republican nomination.

Dr. James Dobson replayed one of Keyes' speeches on his own radio program, Focus on the Family, a show broadcast on 1500 stations across America. The replay found Keyes - a black Catholic - huge support among the predominantly white, Protestant Christian right. Keyes lost the 1996 Republican nomination to Bob Dole, but since then has remained one of the major and most powerful spokesmen for the Christian conservative movement. In 1999, he saw the Republican establishment jump into George W. Bush's camp and attempt a movement to the political center. Keyes, fighting fiercely for the pro-life movement, the elimination of government intervention in everyday life, and the re-establishment of freedom as envisioned by the Founding Fathers, still maintained that the Republican Party, and not some third party, was the place for him and his supporters. He declared his candidacy for the Republican nomination.

While he fights through the primaries, Keyes has put his popular radio show on hold. He lives in Darnestown, Maryland, with his wife, daughter, and two sons.
Climb to Fame
As a radio host and commentator Alan Keyes is recognized as a leader in the Conservative movement. A black Catholic running for the Republican presidential nomination, Keyes has won large support from the mostly white, Protestant Christian right.
Work History
(2000) Jumps into mosh pit in order to receive endorsement from Michael Moore. Keyes' publicist states that the candidate accepted the dare in order to impress his 14-year-old daughter. The event airs in an ad on the eve of the New Hampshire primaries.

(1999-present) Candidate for Republican nomination for the president of the United States

(1993-present) Host of nationally syndicated "America's Wake-Up Call" show;WCBM Radio, Owings Mills, Maryland.

(1995-1996) Candidate for Republican nomination for the president of the United States.

(1992) Republican nominee for US Senate from Maryland.

(1991) Interim president, Alabama A&M University.

(1990-present) Public speaker, lecturer.

(1989-1991) President, Citizens Against Government Waste.

(1988) Republican nominee for US Senate from Maryland.

(1978-1987) US Department of State.

(1985-1987) Assistant secretary of state for International Organization Affairs.

(1983-1985) US representative to the United Nations Economic and Social Council (UNESCO).

(1981-1983) Policy planning staff.

(1980-1981) Desk officer, Zimbabwe.

(1979-1980) Consular office, Bombay, India.

(1978) Foreign service officer.
Affiliations
President, former vice president of the Ronald Reagan Alumni Association; former president of Citizens Against Government Waste (CAGW); founder of National Taxpayer Action Day; founder and Chairman of the Declaration Foundation
Awards
Alan Keyes has also won numerous Awards

Chile's new President for 2000, self-styled politician Ricardo Lagos, has never been easily categorized by the press and political scientists. Despite this ability to shirk labels, Lagos claims the title of the country's first socialist president since General Augusto Pinochet overthrew Salvador Allende in a US-backed 1973 coup. To a country forged out of a strong leftist tradition, a right-wing dictatorship, and a centrist-guided economic boom, Lagos brings a "New Socialism" often likened to Tony Blair's "New Labor" in Britain. The thoroughly modern political principles seem appropriate for a man who became a political hero via television.

In 1988, Lagos solidified his position as the leader of Chilean socialism by using a live television interview to warn General Pinochet that Chile would have no more of his torture and murder. By 1990, democracy had been restored to Chile, but Lagos was not ready to parlay his growing publicity into a run for the presidency. Instead he served as Minister of Education for two years under President Patricio Aylwin. In 1992, he quit to run in the presidential primaries, but lost the nomination to the eventual election winner, Eduardo Frei. By that time Lagos was held in such esteem that Frei offered him a choice of ministries. Lagos opted for the Ministry of Public Works and immediately undertook extensive privatization and infrastructure programs.

In spite of his commitment to privatization and Chile's economic growth, when the 1999 election began, Lagos continually faced questions about whether or not he held Marxist beliefs. The questions were legitimate. After he earned his law degree in Chile in 1960 and his PhD in economics from Duke University in 1966, Lagos served as an aide to President Allende, a socialist whose principals turned markedly radical as his term continued. In his run for president, Lagos refused to condemn Marxist views, noting their importance in a socialist outlook, and instead pointed out how little attention the media gave his Keynesian view of macroeconomic variables.

Described as having a distaste for impulsiveness, the husband and father of five reminded the media and voters that in 1999 neither Marxism or the Allende administration of the 1970s were important issues. Rather, General Pinochet was central to the campaign, specifically in how to heal the nation in his aftermath and how to use the country's growing economic strength to help the poor. Lagos made it clear that despite his Marxist ties in the past, he recognizes that to advance his social agenda he must help the economy grow. His new socialism - with open, competitive markets in lieu of bureaucracy and regulation - is why Lagos was elected President.
Climb to Fame
Chile's first Socialist president (2000-present) since Augusto Pinochet overthrew Salvador Allende in a 1973 military coup.
Work History
(03/2000) Sworn in as Chile's first socialist leader since Augusto Pinochet's coup in 1973.

(01/16/2000) Elected President of Chile, defeating former Augusto Pinochet aide Joaquin Lavin 51% to 49% in a run-off election. Lagos is the first Socialist president of Chile since Pinochet overthrew (with US backing) Dr. Salvador Allende in 1973. Lagos governs the Concertacion coalition made up of his Party for Democracy (PPD) and the Christian Democratic Party. In a victory speech to supporters who called for Lagos to bring Pinochet to trial in Chile, Lagos replied he would let the prosecution against Pinochet run its course in the courts without presidential meddling. A week earlier British authorities, deciding whether to extradite Pinochet to Spain to face charges of murder and torture, said Pinochet was too ill for trial.

(12/12/1999) IFinishes with 47.9 of the votes and Joaquin Lavin with 47.6 , forcing a run-off election for President of Chile. About 800,000 people did not cast ballots.

(1999) Campaigns for the presidency with promises for modern health care for Chile's poor while assuaging concerns of foreign and domestic investors that the budget deficit will be controlled and interest rates and inflation low. He promises business leaders that he will continue the economic policies of the Christian Democrat administrations and he makes sure that pictures of him with George Soros and David Rockefeller appear in the press.

(10/1998) British authorities arrest Augusto Pinochet in London after a Spanish judge requests his extridition on charges of murder, torture, and genocide.

(1994-1996) Newly elected President Eduardo Frei gives Lagos his choice of ministries. Lagos chooses Minister of Public Works, feeling that Chile will only prosper with a strong infrastructure. His plan for highway construction using private concessions attracts over $3 billion in private sector investment. He ensures that Pinochet's highway project connecting Tierra del Fuego to the Patagonia region is completed, and privatizes construction of roads and operation of tolls, port services, water and sanitary utilities.

(1992) Quits as Minister of Education to run (unsuccessfully) in a presidential primary against Eduardo Frei.

(1990-1992) As Minister of Education, creates FONDART, a special fund to finance the arts, culture, and book publishing.

(1990) Democracy is restored in Chile with the election of a coalition government formed by Christian Democrats and Socialists.

(1989) Chile elects a congress. Lagos loses the election for a Santiago Senate seat to Christian Democrat Andres Zaldivar.

(1988) In a television interview during a plebiscite campaign that led to Pinochet's defeat, Lagos points at the camera, and in effect at Pinochet, and says Chile had had enough of Pinochet's repression. This bold move helped make him a national hero and leader of Chilean Socialists. Sources close to Pinochet's advisors said the General was "climbing the wall that night" watching the interview.

(1987) Founds the Party for Democracy (PPD).

(1987) Jailed for three weeks without being charged following an assassination attempt on General Pinochet. Former US President Jimmy Carter, among others, publicly demands his release.

(1983-1984) Serves as President of Alianza Democrática, a coalition of democratic groups opposed to Chile's dictatorship.

(1978-1984) Senior economist for the United Nations regional Employment Program for Latin American and the Caribbean.

(1974-1975) Following Pinochet's coup a year earlier, Lagos, unlike many leading Chilean Socialists, flees to the US rather than East Germany. There he serves as visiting Profesor of Latin American Studies at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, North Carolina.

(1973) With US backing, Augusto Pinochet overthrows President Salvador Allende in a military coup. Lagos had been chosen as Chile's ambassador to USSR, but Congress did not confirm his appointment before the coup.

(1972-1974) Director of the Latin American Council of Social Sciences.

(1971-1972) Director of the Institute of Economics at the Universidad de Chile.

(1969-1971) Chancellor of Universidad de Chile.

(1967-1972) Professor of economics, Universidad de Chile.

(1967-1969) Director of the School of Political Science and Public Administration, Universidad de Chile.
Affiliations
President, Foundation Chile XXI

Member, Distinguished Twelve Member Commission of the Socialist International

(1987) Founder, president, Party for Democracy (PPD)

(1987) Commission Inquiry for Free Elections

(1983-1984) President, Alianza Democrática

(1972-1974) Director, the Latin American Council of Social Sciences

(1971-1972) Director, the Institute of Economics at the Universidad de Chile.

Senator Fred Thompson, a relatively new member of the US Senate, has been praised by the press and voters alike for his speaking ability and reformist instincts. Perhaps the Senate’s most recognizable member - a distinction he owes to a near ubiquitous presence in some of Hollywood’s biggest action movies of the late 1980s and early 1990s - Thompson is said to possess a magnetism akin to Ronald Reagan’s. It was not all that surprising then that in 1998 Thompson began floating the idea of running for president in 2000. After enjoying a quick rise in the Senate, however, his star has somewhat dimmed and he never declared his candidacy.

Thompson’s presidential potential rose and fell with his role in the Senate investigation into campaign finance abuse in the 1996 elections. As chairman of the Governmental Affairs Committee, Thompson seemed in a position to raise his profile to new heights while looking into, in particular, allegations that the Clinton campaign received illegal funding from sources connected to the Chinese government. In fact, when Thompson opened the hearings, he alluded to evidence suggesting exactly that. But when Thompson pledged to scrutinize contributions to his Republican and Democrat colleagues in the Senate with the same vigor, he lost their support and in the end could not deliver on his promises. His investigation was said to have lacked focus and leadership, and with a lackluster finish to a potentially explosive investigation, Thompson seems to have lost some of his earlier momentum.

While having enjoyed some success as an actor, Thompson probably has less in common with former president Reagan than some have suggested. His career in film began after he had established himself in Washington as an attorney and lobbyist. After serving the Senate during the Watergate investigations, in 1977, Thompson took on Tennessee Governor Ray Blanton’s scam to sell pardons to criminals. Thompson’s defense of the fired parole board employee Marie Ragghianti was later documented in the Sissy Spacek film Marie, in which Thompson played himself. Roles in television and such films as No Way Out and In the Line of Fire followed.

In 1992, however, Thompson entered his first election, which was for Vice President Al Gore’s vacated Senate seat in Tennessee. Modeling himself as a “good ol’ boy” prepared to bring common sense to Washington – a place with which he was intimately familiar – Thompson overcame a large gap in the polls to win the seat. He campaigned for smaller but more efficient government, term limits for all elected officials, reformed campaign finance, and abortion rights. Voters have better received his efforts than his colleagues. While many in the Senate have shied away from his campaign finance reforms, Tennesseans reelected him by a wide margin in 1996. Despite his recent setbacks, Thompson promises to fight for reform in the same spirit he took on Watergate and a corrupt Tennessee governor.
Work History
"(1994-present) Elected to the US Senate; served as chair of Governmental Affairs Committee and on the Judiciary Committee. (1991-1994) Attorney, Arent, Fox, Kintner, Plotkin & Kahn. (1985-1987) Member of Appellate Court Nominating Commission for the State of Tennessee. (1982) Senate Intelligence Committee, special counsel. (1980-1981) Senate Foreign Relations Committee, special counsel. (1980) Special counsel to Governor Lamar Alexander. (1974-1994) Attorney in private practice, (company). (1973-1974) Minority counsel, Senate Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities. (1969-1972) Assistant US attorney for Middle Tennessee.

"(1995-present) After fellow Tennessean Lamar Alexander dropped out of the running for the 2000 GOP presidential nomination, Thompson, an Alexander supporter, through his support behind Arizona Senator John McCain; Thompson has been named co-chair of McCain's campaign. As a US Senator Thompson was chosen in 1998 by Senate leadership to serve on the special Senate task force to examine whether the Chinese government improperly obtained American satellite and missile technology; in 1997 was elected Chairman of the Governmental Affairs Committee, making him among the most junior senators in history to serve as Chairman of a major Senate Committee; in 1997 opened hearings on campaign finance abuses in the 1996 elections, including an investigation into allegations that President Clinton accepted large donations from questionable sources, among them people with close ties to the Chinese government; at the outset of his Governmental Affairs Committee investigation, Thompson stated that the committee had evidence of involvement by the Chinese government in a plan ""designed to pour illegal money into American political campaigns."" His words prompted high expectations for the investigation, typified by comments from Fred Wertheimer, President of Democracy 21 (a nonpartisan public policy organization): ""These are the most important, most valuable hearings we've ever had in documenting the widespread corruption that exists in our campaign finance system."" ; Thompson worked with the General Accounting Office to produce the first ever audit of the federal government; member the Governmental Affairs Senate Committee, Senate Finance Committee; in 1996 re-election victory, received more votes than any candidate for any office in Tennessee history; in 1998 publicly stated that he would consider seeking the Republican presidential nomination. (1994) Elected to fill the Tennessee senate seat vacated by Vice President Al Gore after trailing his opponent, Democrat Jim Cooper, by 30 points in early election polls. (1977) As an attorney and advisor to the Tennessee government he successfully defended Marie Ragghianti, a former state parole board worker who had been fired when she uncovered Governor Ray Blanton's scheme of selling pardons to prisoners, which led to the governor's resignation. In 1985 he portrayed himself in the movie Marie, which told Marie Ragghianti's story and starred Sissy Spacek. (1974) When, as the Minority Counsel to the Senate Watergate Committee, he asked former Nixon aide Alexander Butterfield a question regarding White House tapes, Butterfield's answer revealed for the first time the fact that the Nixon Administration had maintained an extensive taping system. "
Affiliations
American Bar Association; Nashville Bar Association

Called a natural introvert with a face that gives nothing away, Warren Christopher has nevertheless lived a life of two distinguished careers: one as a diplomat and one as lawyer with the Los Angeles based international law firm O'Melveny & Myers. As a senior partner with the prestigious law firm, he oversaw its expansion to one of the largest in the world. As a public official in three administrations, he worked to resolve some of the most contentious and dangerous issues of our times. His approach to these and the results he achieved have won him admirers and detractors alike.

After receiving his law degree and clerking for Justice William O. Douglas of the U.S. Supreme Court, Christopher joined O’Melveny & Myers, which at the time held the reputation of a stiff, unimaginative hotbed for racism. Despite these surroundings (and his own reputation for being stodgy) Christopher showed his independence and principles when he initiated a letter writing campaign denouncing Senator Joseph McCarthy’s anti-communist witch hunt. He moved into a more prominent public-service role as vice-chairman of the McCone Commission that investigated the race riots in Watts. His experience there led to missions coordinating efforts against riots in Detroit in 1967, throughout the country in 1968, and to his appointment as chair of the commission investigating the LAPD following the Rodney King beating in 1991. The 1991 Christopher Commission’s somewhat startling recommendations for change and the resignation of Chief Gates were reached through Christopher’s careful attention to detail and typical lawyerly argumentation.

He has applied that same deliberate process and caution to the crisis situations he has encountered throughout his career as deputy secretary and Secretary of State. His approach has scored successes in securing the passage of the Panama Canal treaties and the release of American hostages in Iran. As President Clinton’s Secretary of State he oversaw the relatively peaceful restoration of Haiti’s elected president, averted a nuclear weapons crisis with North Korea, negotiated an indefinite extension of the 1968 Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, and made huge strides towards peace in the Middle East. On the other hand, tragic failures in trying to bring warring clan leaders to justice in Somalia, as well as a lack of enforceable results in the former Yugoslavia, have brought criticism of Christopher’s lack of strategic vision and reluctance to use force decisively. In light of the 1999 NATO war with Serbia, Christopher’s approach to troubles in the Balkans is likely to earn better reviews and perhaps even admiration. Despite the criticism his methods received from some fronts, his successes demonstrated that throughout his career, he approached every situation carefully, always with peace in mind, and always with a full awareness of the weight of his responsibilities.
Work History
"Law clerk to Justice William O. Douglas of the US Supreme Court, 1949-50. Practiced law with O'Melveny & Myers, 1950-67, becoming a partner in 1958. Deputy Attorney General of the United States from June 1967 - January 1969. Rejoined his law firm. Deputy Secretary of State from February 1977 - January 1981. Chairman of O'Melveny & Myers, 1982-92. Nominated for Secretary of State by President Clinton, assumed office in 1993. Upon retirement at the end of Clinton's first term (1996) he returned to O'Melveny & Myers as a senior partner."
Affiliations
"President of the Los Angeles County Bar Association, 1974-75; Chariman of the Standing Committee on the Federal Judiciary of the American Bar Association, 1975-76; Special Counsel to California Governor Edmund Brown, 1959; member of the Board of Trustees, Stanford University; Chairman, Carnegie Corporation of the New York Board of Trustees; Director & Vice Chairman, Council on Foreign Relations; Director, Los Angeles World Affairs Council; Vice Chairman of the Governor's Commission on the Los Angeles riots of 1965-66; Special Consultant to Under Secretary George Ball on Foreign Economic Problems; President, Coordinating Council for Higher Education in the State of California; Fellow of the American Academy of Arts & Sciences. Board of directors Southern California Edison, 1971-77 & 1981. Board of directors Lockheed, 1987. Member of the California Club, 1950-76 (he resigned his membership from the club whose charter refused membership to blacks, Jews, and women to avoid embarassing the Carter administration; he renewed his association in 1981, after leaving the State Department.)"

Dr. Pedro Rossello, the two-term governor of Puerto Rico from 1993 to 2000, has been compared to his 1950s predecessor Governor Munoz Marin. Like Munoz, Rossello has been one of the most prominent Puerto Rican leaders in the US, and has used that attention to push the cause of Puerto Rican statehood. It's a telling similarity, illustrating how much and how little has changed in Puerto Rican politics in the last 40 years.

As Rossello campaigned in 1992, he wore the goal of statehood on his sleeve. He urged Puerto Ricans to learn and embrace English, he promoted stronger ties to the US, and he promised to finally raise living standards to meet the mainland's, and in the case of universal health care and education, to surpass them. While compared to his opponent, the pro-commonwealth, pro-Spanish incumbent governor Rafael Hernandez Colon, Rossello might have sounded like a breath of fresh air, he was in fact simply expressing the alternate side of the long debate over statehood. And although Rossello took his victory as an endorsement for statehood, voters seemed to indicate that his medical career and lack of political experience were his strongest assets in a year filled with anti-incumbency sentiment.

Educated at Notre Dame and Yale University and trained as a surgeon at hospitals in Boston, Rossello's compassion as a doctor was important to Puerto Rican voters. Passionate about his home island, Rossello has stood up to Congress to protect it while at the same time trying to earn its statehood. Despite his best efforts, his attempts to win statehood have failed, in part by his own doing. Unpopular decisions to try to privatize the Puerto Rican Telephone Company and to intimidate the island's largest newspaper by canceling government ads eroded his public support. A plebiscite considering statehood was defeated in 1993, and in 1998 Puerto Ricans rejected the idea again. At the end of his term, Rossello has taken Puerto Rico no closer to statehood than when he began.
Climb to Fame
Pro-statehood governor of Puerto Rico.
Work History
(05/1999) Rejects requests from the US Navy and the US Senate to reopen Vieques Island for live fire Navy exercises after it is closed in April following the death of a security guard accidentally killed by bombs from a Marine F-18.

(05/1999) Becomes Puerto Rico's only governor to testify in a federal criminal trial when he takes stand to answer whether he solicited $250,000 in campaign contributions from three defendants who allegedly embezzled $1.4 million in federal funds intended to treat AIDS patients at the San Juan AIDS Institute.

(03/1999) Tao Alto mayor Angel Rodriguez, who coordinated demonstrations supporting Rossello, is convicted in federal court for bribery and conspiracy in a scheme to defraud the Federal Emergency Management Agency of money intended to pay for clean up after Hurricane George.

(1999) Endorses Al Gore as the Democratic presidential nominee. Heads Gore's fundraising efforts in Puerto Rico.

(12/1998) 46.5% of Puerto Ricans vote to push Congress for statehood, and 50.2% vote for "none of the above", the most popular choice for those wishing Puerto Rico to remain a commonwealth. Rossello claims the vote a victory of statehood and said he would take the results to Congress.

(09/1998) Hurricane George causes more than $1 billion damage in Puerto Rico.

(05/1998) When Puerto Rican newspaper El Nuevo Dia runs articles criticizing Rossello, particularly over the privatization of the Puerto Rico Telephone Company, he rescinds millions of dollars worth of government advertising from the paper.

(1998) Rossello's campaign to make Puerto Rico a state chooses without authorization "The Cup of Life" by Ricky Martin as its theme song.

(1998) President Clinton endorses a bill asking Puerto Ricans to choose between statehood, independence, and independence with ties to the US.

(1998) Puts illegal drug trafficking at the top of the agenda of the Council of State Governments, which he chairs.

(09/1997) Tells the fifth annual Hispanic American Leadership Summit that Hispanics must learn English if they wish to increase their influence in America.

(1997) Declares three days of mourning for historian and political authority Pilar Barbosa de Rosario.

(1997) Launches a program to ensure more English language instruction is used in Puerto Rican public schools (1994) Rossello's aide for economic development, Jose Jaime Pierluisi, is shot and killed in a carjacking near San Juan. Rossello declares three days of mourning in memory of Pierluisi and serves as one of his pall bearers.

(1993-present) Governor of Puerto Rico, San Juan, Puerto Rico

(1993) Puerto Ricans vote 48% to 46% in favor of remaining a commonwealth in Rossello's plebiscite for statehood.

(1992) Elected governor of Puerto Rico on a pro-statehood platform. Upon his election, announces he will hold a plebiscite for Puerto Ricans to decide if they want their island commonwealth to become a state.

(1990) Medical director, San Jorge Hospital, San Juan, Puerto Rico

(1989-1992) Chief of surgery, San Jorge Hospital, San Juan, Puerto Rico

(1985-1987) Director, Department of Health, City of San Juan, Puerto Rico

(1982-1992) Associate professor of surgery, University of Puerto Rico

(1978-1982) Assistant profeffor of surgery, University of Puerto Rico

(1976-1992) Private practice, San Juan, Puerto Rico

(1975-1976) Instructor of surgery, Harvard Medical School, Cambridge, Massachusetts

(1975-1976) Chief resident, pediatric surgery-urology, Children's Hospital, Boston, Massachusetts

(1974-1975) Senior resident of pediatric surgery, Children's Hospital, Boston, Massachusetts

(1973) Resident, trauma, San Francisco General Hospital, San Francisco, California

(1972) Resident, cardiac and burns, Massachusetts General Hospital, Boston, Massachusetts

(1971-1974) Resident, general surgery, Beth Israel Hospital, Boston, Massachusetts

(1970-1971) Intern, straight surgery, Beth Israel Hospital, Boston, Massachusetts
Affiliations
(1998-present) Chairman, Southern Growth Policies Board

(1998-present) Chairman, Southern Technology Council

(1998-present) Souther International Trade Council

(1998) President, Council of State Governments

(1998) Chair, member, Democratic Governors Association

(1997-1998) Chair, member, Southern Governors Association

(1996) Delegate, Democratic National Convention, Chicago, Illinois

(1995-1996) Chair, Southern States Energy Board

(1993-1995) Leader, Southern Regional Project Infant Mortality

(1991) President, New Progressive Party

(1988-1991) Vice president, New Progressive Party

(1987-1988) Member, Puerto Rico Olympic Committee

(1983-1984) President, member, Caribbean Tennis Association

(1982-1984) Member, Puerto Rico Olympic Committee

(1982-1984) President, member, Puerto Rico Tennis Association

Member, National Governors Association

Member, Alpha Omega Alpha

Member, board of visitors emeritus Georgetown University Law Center, Washington, DC

Member, intergovernmental policy advisory

Member, advisory council, Welfare to Work Partnership

Member, Democratic National Convention

Member, board of directors, US-Spain Council

Member, National Advisory Board Initiative and Referendum Institute
Awards
Pedro Rossello has also won numerous Awards

In our age of globe-spanning Internet networks and up-to-the-minute television news, it would seem ludicrous to think that one of the world's most vicious dictators could retire in relative comfort and solitude. Yet that is exactly what Idi Amin, the Ugandan dictator responsible for killing 300,000 to 500,000 of his own people, has enjoyed since being driven from his homeland in 1979 by Ugandan rebels and the Tanzanian army. With his own life in danger, Amin fled to Tripoli, Libya and soon settled in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, as the guest of then Saudi King Faisal. There Amin has remained, unrepentant and hidden away, a celebrity among locals, and mysteriously free from international prosecution despite his well documented crimes against humanity.

Amin was born under British rule in poor, violent, and chaotic Uganda. Although he only achieved the equivalent of a fourth grade education, he managed to rise through the ranks of the British colonial army, which he joined in 1943. A behemoth of a man, his superiors felt his brawn and ferocity, which stood out not only in the boxing ring and on the rugby pitch but in the battlefields of Burma in WWII, and Kenya and Zaire. His brute force compensated for the illiteracy that eventually made him an such an inept national leader. When Uganda gained its independence in 1962, Amin was one of two Ugandan commissioned officers in the armed forces.

In 1966, Amin's friend and colleague Prime Minister Milton Obote named him chief of the army and air force. In 1971, with Obote out of the country on diplomatic business, Amin took over. He promptly disposed of any government and military officials who opposed the coup, and soon his thugs were roaming the country. At first Israel, the US, and Britain, disappointed in Obote's socialist ideas, approved of Amin's seizure of power. They quickly learned what little ideology he had. Amin sympathized with Hitler's hatred of the Jews, and joined his Muslim neighbor countries in condemning the West. He expelled 50,000 Asians who had been the backbone of the economy, and with glee reversed the colonial rule he had despised by having British subjects kneel before him in public.

To the world Amin was a clown. With his narcissistic self-proclamations as the "Conqueror of the British Empire," "The Last King of Scotland," and the heavyweight boxing champion of Uganda, it was easy to see why. When Amin began to award himself doctorates and medals for wars he never fought in, and divorce his wives over the radio, Saturday Night Live began to regularly parody his antics. But somehow the world missed the dismembered bodies around his homes and the corpses floating down the river as Amin butchered old tribal enemies and new suspected foes. And while he forced his prisoners to beat each other to death with hammers, the Ugandan economy collapsed, and the government, under a madman unable to read or write, fell into chaos.

In 1978, Amin sent his army into Tanzania to occupy the Kagera region, an area Uganda lost with the implementation of colonial borders. Tanzanian troops and Ugandan rebels counterattacked in 1979, reaching the capital of Kampala and sending Amin on his way to a life of retirement. He remains a hot-topic in Uganda, and to some even a national hero. But to most he will always be a nightmare. Understandably in Saudi Arabia, he has become an embarrassment to a ruler who must honor the invitation of the late King Faisal. He lives in a chateau with a woman named Chumaru, and is known to drive around Jeddah in a Chevy Caprice.
Climb to Fame
One of the bloodiest and most ruthless dictators to have ruled in the 20th century.
Work History
(1999) Reportedly banished from Jeddah and restricted to living in the austere and devout city of Mecca, Saudi Arabia, after attempting to ship arms to northern Uganda.

(1995) Denies Ugandan press reports that he is supporting secessionist rebels led by Colonel Juma Oris, a former Amin minister.

(1982) Amin's fifth wife Sarah Kyolaba Amin leaves him, fleeing for Germany and filing for divorce.

(1981) Milton Obote, the man Amin overthrew in 1971, returns as President of Uganda.

(03/13/1979) With his wife, Sarah Kyolaba Amin, flees Uganda in a private jet for Tripoli, Libya. Begins living in exile in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, where he is invited because of his Muslim faith, his friendship with Saudi King Faisal, and his promise to keep a low profile. The Saudi government begins providing him a monthly stipend of US $5,000.

(1979) Driven from power by the Tanzanian army and exiled Ugandans.

(1978) In an attempt to annex the Kagera region of Tanzania, which he claims as Ugandan tribal land, his troops invade and occupy the area.

(1976) Declares himself life president of Uganda. Supports Palestinians who hijack a French airline flight of Israelis and direct it to Entebbe, Uganda. In the rescue mission by Israeli commandos, the brother of former Israeli Premier Benjamin Netanyahu is killed.

(1975) Hosts the Organization of African Unity (OAU) conference, during which he is elected the OAU president. Makes himself field marshal of Uganda. Marries Sarah Kyolaba with Yasser Arafat as his best man.

(1974) Claims Sarah Kyolaba's daughter as his own, announcing the birth on national television.

(1972) Claims that in a dream God ordered him to expel 50,000 Asian residents of Uganda. Amin gives them 90 days notice to leave in what is called the "Economic War" on the Asians who control the nation's economy. Gives much of the confiscated property to his supporters.

(1971-1979) As ruler of Uganda, had between 300,000 and 500,000 Ugandan people executed. Proclaims himself "Conqueror of the British Empire" and "The Last King of Scotland." Names himself the heavyweight boxing champion of Uganda. Has Britons in Uganda kneel before him and swear their loyalty to him. Awards himself medals for wars he never fought in. Divorces three of his wives at once with an announcement on national radio. Awards himself a doctorate of law degree from Makerere University. Survives 22 assassination attempts. Publicly executes several Kenyan students to illustrate that Ugandan tribal boundaries rightfully extend into Sudan, Kenya, and Tanzania.

(01/25/1971) Leads a coup d'etat over the Ugandan government while Prime Minister Milton Obote is out of the country. Declares himself President and chief of the armed forces. Executes military officers and government officials who have not supported the coup. Hires a personal army of 15,000 to roam the country and intimidate anyone who opposes him.

(1966) Made chief of the National Army and Air Force.

(1964) Promoted to colonel in the Ugandan National Army; sent by Ugandan Prime Minister Obote to Zaire to support rebels fighting Moshe Tshombe and Mobutu Sese Seko.

(1962) As Uganda is declared an independent country, Amin is one of two Ugandan commissioned officers in the armed forces.

(1952-1956) With the British colonial army, fights the Mau Mau rebellion in Kenya.

(1943-1945) Serves with the Allied forces in Burma during World War II.

(1943-1962) Trainee cook, soldier, King's African Rifles, British colonial army.
Affiliations
(1975) President, Organization of African Unity